赵紫阳（1919年10月17日－2005年1月17日），原名赵修业，河南滑县人，中华人民共和国政治家、改革家，1980年代先后担任中华人民共和国国务院总理（1980年—1987年）和中共中央总书记（1987年—1989年）。在任期间，是中共党内改革派的重要领袖之一，大力发展市场经济，还提出进行政治改革，打击腐败，推进改革开放的深化，曾一度被认为是邓小平的接班人。1989年的六四事件中，赵紫阳因同情学生和反对武力镇压，而招致以邓小平为首的中共元老们的不满，被免去党内外一切职务，最终在软禁中度过15年的余生，于2005年逝世。
由于赵紫阳在六四事件中的立场与态度，以及他在事后面对党内声讨时坚持己见为自己辩护，中共官方对于赵紫阳的评价直至其逝世后仍然以六四的“错误”为重点。但是他注重经济发展、同情民主主张、反对集权镇压等言行，却在中国民间以及大陆以外获得了大量的支持，成为现代中国大陆民主运动的标志性人物之一。
早年经历
赵紫阳生于河南滑县桑村乡赵庄。父亲赵廷宾，字良乡，又名秋喜，家中殷实，有粮田数十亩，是当地有名的地主，但平日乐善好施，得村民爱戴；他与发妻刘氏得一子，即赵修业。1927年赵进入位于桑村乡的县立第十七小学读书。[1]1932年6月在桑村完小一间简陋的教室里宣誓加入中国共青团（其介绍人就是校长杨庆然和两位教员胡敬一、聂真三，三人均为中共地下党员）。[2]后由于中共准备的夏季滑县暴动和其他起义遭镇压，地下党组织解散，赵修业与组织失去联系。[3]据说，赵在准备这次暴动时领导农民进行土地革命，打倒地主分田地；他还对自家的田地和牲畜分发给农民和卖掉，其费用献给党组织，引起父亲赵廷宾的不快，但是他成功说服了父亲。[4]
1932年秋天，赵父送赵修业到县立第一小学读书。1933年夏天，赵成功考取开封的省立初级中学（今开封高中），中学时期，他成绩优异，多次获得校方颁发的奖学金。[5]1935年北平的一二九运动爆发，赵修业与同学参加了声援北平学生的活动，当时还是初中生的他参加了开封高中学生发动的卧轨请愿行动，要求政府停止进行内战，出兵抗日。[6]
1936年，赵修业考入武昌高级中学。在武汉，他将自己的名字改为赵紫阳。[5]
[编辑] 革命时期
[编辑] 抗战时期
1937年赵紫阳回到自己的故乡，终于在次年2月与中共组织重新取得联系，并被派往中共冀鲁豫省委党校学习。1938年5月，正式加入中国共产党[7]；9月，学成回到滑县，担任中共滑县工作委员会书记，大量发展党员。[8]1939年春，滑县工委改称县委，赵紫阳改任县委书记，拥有不小的地盘和地方武装。[9]
1939年，在赵紫阳的策动下，他的老同学、国民党籍的滑县县长陈曙辉率军投靠宣布脱离国民党，接受中国共产党的改编。此一大胆且成功的举动使赵紫阳更受上级重视。[10]同年6月，赵紫阳上调成为中共豫北地委宣传部长，他也因此认识了宣传部的干部梁伯琪，两人之后结为连理。1940年6月，任中共豫鲁冀边区第二地委（后改为第六地委）书记，1943年改任中共豫鲁冀边区第四地委宣传部部长，当时日军正展开大规模的扫荡行动，中共的根据地大幅缩水，赵紫阳亲率边区第四军分区第二十一团部队开辟新根据地，歼灭伪军一个营。[11]同年7月，赵紫阳在滑县开展雇佃贫运动和减租减息运动，调动了地主和农民的积极性。[12]其滑县建设的经验受到邓小平等人的赞赏。[13]至抗战胜利时，赵紫阳已经成为中共党内颇具名气的中层领导人。
[编辑] 内战时期
1945年8月后，任地委副书记兼军分区副政治委员、地委书记兼军分区政治委员。1946年5月，中共中央指示在全国的“解放区”开展大规模土地改革，已经创造出滑县成功的农民运动经验的赵紫阳再次受到重视。刘邓大军攻克滑县之后，滑县、卫南成为解放军的重要后方。赵紫阳再一次回到滑县，主持彻底的土改运动，他坚持在土改中支持农民，严厉打击地主和富农，无情镇压任何阻扰土改的阶级敌人。[14]连赵紫阳的父亲也在这次土改的过程中丧生了。[15]
1947年秋，率地方部队随晋冀鲁豫野战军第十纵队南下，任中共桐柏区党委副书记兼桐柏军分区副政治委员。经过几个月的斗争，中共最终在桐柏山站住脚跟。12月，中共中央中原局批准成立桐柏区党委和桐柏军区，赵紫阳任军区副政委和兼任中原局副书记，赵紫阳主要负责土改工作和组织人事工作。[16]针对当时过激的土改造成恶劣的影响，赵紫阳1948年7月在平氏会议上宣布停止分土地、打土豪、乱没收，有步骤地对已分土地的地区进行复查调查工作。[17]1949年3月，为适应渡江作战，桐柏军区撤销[18]，赵紫阳改任中共南阳地委书记兼南阳军分区政治委员。[19]
[编辑] 广东时期
1949年10月后，赵紫阳任中共中央华南分局常务委员、秘书长、农村工作部部长、副书记等职。整个1950年，他都担任河南省南阳地区地委书记。1951年4月，他辞去南阳地委书记的职务，南调广东，成为“南下干部”的一员，协助陶铸等领导广东的土地改革工作。[20]
[编辑] 土地改革
当时中共在全国建政后不久，即开展大规模的土改运动。广东当时由叶剑英任省长，他的两名主要下属古大存和方方主持土改。他们根据广东独特的社会和历史现实，主张“宁慢勿乱”，颁布了《广东土地改革实施办法》，对广东土改实行较温和的手段路线，给大多数地主家庭以生活出路，不作过分清算。[21]
赵紫阳抵达广州之后，很快就被任命为中共华南分局俱乐部秘书长；1951年5月被增选为中共广东省土地改革委员会副主任，主任为方方。[22]而陶铸任华南分局第四书记。他们上任后，对广东的“温情主义”式的“和平土改”感到不满，加上当时的地方干部和南下干部的矛盾尖锐，南下干部受到地方干部的排斥，他们打算仿效北方放手进行“疾风暴雨式”土改的意愿也受到阻挠。[21]陶、赵于是向中央写了关于广东土改的报告书，认为于广东土改落后和干部不纯。[23]
1952年，最终毛泽东向广东发出了“依靠大军，依靠南下干部，由大军和南下干部挂帅”的土改政策。[24]毛泽东的指示使广东的政局形势发生逆转，叶剑英和方方都被批评而作了检查，他们被调离了广东，古大存的职权也被架空。[24][21]陶铸升任华南分局第二书记，主持全面工作；赵紫阳稍后也升为华南分局副书记，兼分局农村工作部部长，主持土改工作。[25]
陶铸于是开展全面的整顿干部队伍、“反地方主义”的运动；大量的地方干部被冠以“阶级异见分子”的帽子，甚至被处死，而他们的职位空缺则由陶铸的南下干部填上。在土改的实际操作问题上，陶铸等人也是实行极左路线，在农民内部煽动阶级斗争，强行按照比例划分地主、富农，废除了《广东土地改革实施办法》。在这种“绝不让一个阶级异己分子漏网”的口号下，大批农民被错划为地主、富农，被剥夺其大部分生产资料和财产，还造成了许多血案。[26]
当时赵紫阳作为陶铸的助手，也是从严从紧执行土改政策，亲自批核了许多土改的决策。
[编辑] 主管农业
1953年4月叶剑英上调武汉时宣布广东全省的土改工作胜利完成，农村的工作任务进入全力发展生产的阶段。[27]当时的赵紫阳刚刚接管农业事务，他马上发出稳定生产关系，扭转农村混乱局面，保护私有制的指示，成效比较显著。[28]不过同年11月，毛泽东一声令下，全国随即放弃保护私有的政策，开始了农业合作化运动，对农村进行社会主义改造。[29]数量指标式的合作化运动使广东各地农村出现了屠宰牲畜、砍伐树木、变卖生产工具等情况，令生产遭到破坏。[30]赵紫阳对此反复强调合作化的过程中要着重于农民的互利、生产的提高，注意循序渐进。[31]但是毛泽东却撰文赞扬贫下中农走社会主义道路的积极性，批判右倾保守的路线，提出不少冒进的设想。[32]鉴于毛泽东的权威，合作化运动按照其指示发展，最终在1956年秋宣布胜利。
[编辑] 大跃进与思想转变
在合作化运动期间，赵紫阳的思想即开始发生转变，这种转变是受其上司陶铸的影响而来的；陶铸在那几年的工作中，逐渐认识到原来的极左政策的错误和祸害，向刘少奇、邓小平等人的温和路线靠拢。陶铸的转变促成了赵紫阳的思想转变，陶铸对他的思想影响一直持续到陶铸逝世。[33]
1957年，毛泽东掀起反右运动，对知识分子大肆迫害。[34]陶铸因为职责不得不划定一大批知识分子为右派；赵紫阳由于主管农业，可以不参与划右派的工作。[35]不过在这种困难的环境下，陶铸和赵紫阳顶住来自各方的压力，暗中保护了一批知识分子。他们发表文章宣传大规模阶级斗争已经结束，政府的重要任务应该是领导经济建设，提高高级知识分子的积极性等观点。[36]赵紫阳还亲自制定了对高级知识分子的特殊生活补助和医疗保健政策。[37]
随后的大跃进和“三面红旗”，使中国发生大饥馑，广东的生产也受到极大的破坏，饿死的人不计其数。[38]赵紫阳一方面不得不按官方的口径宣扬人民公社的优越，同时更多在批判“共产风”、“浮夸风”，强调按照客观的条件和客观的规律办事，珍惜民力和财力，不能单单依靠群众热情进行生产。[39]在大跃进和三年困难时期期间，广东在全国范围内算是较沉着稳定、死亡人数较少的省份。[40]
1960年3月，时任中共广东省委书记处第三书记的赵紫阳来到南海县一户麦姓农家视察时，看到麦氏两幼童兄弟为了舔一只饭壳里的饭汁而打架，他感触良多。赵紫阳回到省委后，一开口就对陶铸说：“旧社会国民党把人民逼反，今天，难道共产党也要把人民逼反么？”[41]同年年中，陶铸兼任中南局第一书记，使广东省委大部分工作都由赵紫阳负责，赵紫阳决心开始实施对各方面工作的整顿。[40]
[编辑] 主政广东
1960年11月，中共中央发出“十二条”，坚决反对一平二调的“共产风”。[42]上级的正式表态使赵紫阳终于可以放手整顿，于是他着力扭转濒于崩溃的广东经济。他表明不准刮“共产风”、搞平均主义[43]，要重新找回共产党的民主集中制和调查研究、实事求是的两大优良作风[44]。
他对集体经济的优越性已经产生怀疑[45]，他在农业上大胆推行“三自一包”、“四大自由”等政策，实行奖罚制度，让农民能够自由生产，提高个体生产积极性。[46]当时他向全省推广清远县农民创造的“联系产量责任制”（与“包产到户”模式大同小异），使广东农村的生产得以恢复。[47]至1963年，广东经济形势基本得到好转。
在对外关系上，他在广东采取较自主的对外政策，与刘邓的“三和一少”相呼应，广东的对外关系得到改善。如在粤港关系上，1961年2月，赵紫阳允许宝安县的水库向香港供水；随后，粤港两地又达成了东深供水工程的协议，解决了香港的淡水供应问题。[48]在1962年，广东民众为了摆脱饥荒而掀起大规模的“逃港潮”，每天都有数千人冲过边防线，中央下令广东要将此事作为第一任务来抓。赵紫阳承受很大的压力，不过他提出的对策主要强调要“安排好群众的生活，让群众看到前途”，跟群众做好思想工作，讲明群众在香港很难立脚，不动武，不进行清算。[49]赵紫阳在逃港潮上的富有同情心的做法赢得外界的好评。
1965年初，陶铸专任中南局第一书记，不再兼任广东省委书记；广东省委第一书记的职位自然由赵紫阳正式继承，46岁的赵紫阳也成为当时全国最年轻的省委书记。[40]上任不久，赵紫阳就提出“建设社会主义新农村”的政策，意图改变农村落后的面貌，在农村实现水利化、化学化、电气化、机械化，引进国外先进的农场管理技术。[50]但是政策尚未正式推行，文革的到来打乱了一切。
[编辑] 文革时期
[编辑] 文革初期
1966年4月，文化大革命开始的前夕，时任中南局第一书记兼任广州军区政委的陶铸在中共八届十一中全会上突然被提升，当选中央政治局委员，兼任书记处常务书记、国务院副总理、中宣部部长，排名仅次于毛泽东、林彪和周恩来。赵紫阳曾劝说过陶铸，说北京局势凶险，这工作不适合他，但是陶铸并未能听从赵的劝告，上京赴任了。[51]陶铸上调中央后，赵紫阳在广东失去了保护他的最大屏障，广州军区总司令、林彪麾下的人马黄永胜不再受到陶铸的制约，迅速发展自己的势力，赵紫阳面临着被打倒的危险。[52]
一开始，广东的红卫兵运动虽然也在外地的影响下和中山大学、华南工学院学生的带领下有所涌动，甚至发出一些质疑赵紫阳和省委的声音[53]，但是由于陶铸晋升最高层，未有人敢公然批判陶铸和赵紫阳的路线[54]，加上陶铸力保在广东前线的赵紫阳，所以赵紫阳尚可以尽力将风起云涌的造反运动置于省委的领导之下。[55][56]但是，形势很快发生逆转，陶铸在中央的短短半年间，没有执行毛泽东的路线，反而竭力保护刘邓和一大批老干部[57]，使他和江青为首的中央文革小组的矛盾激发[51]，毛泽东也决心打倒这个“邓小平的代理”[58]。1967年1月4日，陈伯达率中央文革全体成员接见“红卫兵赴广州专揪王任重、赵紫阳革命造反团”，正式宣布陶铸为中国“最大的保皇派”、“打倒陶铸”。[59]
陶铸迅速被打倒了，之后上海“一月风暴”是造反派的夺权潮向全国蔓延。1967年1月21日，“广东省革命造反联合委员会”（省革联）对广东省委进行夺权，赵紫阳等人被扣押到中山大学主楼。[60]不过这次夺权只是象征性的，由于造反派根本没有能力治理广东，所以赵紫阳和他们谈判后协议由省革联监督省委，省委继续处理日常事务。[61]但是更大的一场风暴很快又来临，省革联和广州军区支持的造反派发生权力斗争乃至武斗[62]，2月28日，广州军区对省革联控制的《广州日报》进行军管，省革联最终垮台[63]。3月15日，广东省军事管制委员会成立，成为全省的最高权力机构，黄永胜为军管会主任。[63]
黄永胜控制整个广东之后，赵紫阳因为是“陶铸在广东的代理人”而成为最重要的攻击目标。他被罗列了“八大罪状”[64]：
1. 两面三刀，打着红旗反红旗；
2. 配合国内外阶级敌人，猖狂向党向社会主义进攻，大刮单干风，破坏人民公社制度；
3. 用评功摆利，代替阶级斗争，疯狂地推行刘少奇的明左实右路线，破坏社会主义教育运动；
4. 打着建设社会主义新农村的招牌，推行修正主义路线；
5. 顽固地坚持刘、邓、陶的资产阶级反动路线，妄图拒绝无产阶级文化大革命；
6. 庇护牛鬼蛇神，陶赵互保，蛇鼠一窝；
7. 大耍象征性夺权的阴谋；
8. 地主阶级本性不变，沉醉于发臭、腐烂的资产阶级生活。
[编辑] 主政四川
1975年10月任中共四川省委第一书记兼成都军区第一政治委员。在四川任职期间，他领导尝试农村改革，成为后来中国农村经济体制改革的试点。他领导的四川与万里领导的安徽，是最早进行农村改革、取得很好效果的地方。当时有顺口溜：“要吃米，找万里；要吃粮，找紫阳。”
[编辑] 总理时期
赵紫阳（左）与里根总统
在邓小平复出之后，赵紫阳和万里曾经是省委书记中间鼎力支持邓小平瓦解农业公有制的干将，率先分田，因此受到邓小平的器重调中央工作，从1978年开始担任中央重要职务。1978年2月至1983年6月任政协全国委员会副主席。1980年2月在中共十一届五中全会上当选为中共中央政治局常委。1980年4月任国务院副总理，1980年9月，任国务院总理。1981年6月在中共十一届六中全会上当选为中共中央副主席。
1986年的学潮之后，胡耀邦因受到纵容“资产阶级自由化”的指责而被迫辞职。1987年1月在中共中央政治局扩大会议上被推选为中共中央代理总书记，同年11月在中共十三届一中全会上当选为中央总书记，并任中共中央军委第一副主席，而其担任的国务院总理职务由李鹏代理。当时中外已经公认赵紫阳为邓小平选定的接班人。1988年4月在第七届全国人民代表大会第一次会议上被任命为中华人民共和国中央军委副主席。
[编辑] 八九民运
主条目：六四事件
清场前赵紫阳在天安门广场上与大学生们对话，后右二为温家宝
5月3日，赵紫阳在纪念五四运动70周年的会议上发表讲话，他肯定了学生的爱国热情，但更多的篇幅是强调应该保持稳定。这份谈话缓和了学生激动的情绪
5月17日，赵紫阳会见苏联共产党总书记米哈伊尔·戈尔巴乔夫，说学生把很多事情看的很天真，很简单，以为他们只要喊几句口号，党和政府就能在一天之内把什么问题都给解决了。现在的问题是在党和政府与年轻人和学生之间缺乏相互理解。在电视公开报道上讲：我们所有重大决定都要请示小平同志。有人认为，赵紫阳这一说法使运动目标指向邓小平。其后发生了有人骑摩托车冲击邓小平住宅事件，有人用装满颜料的鸡蛋毁坏天安门城楼的毛泽东画像事件。游行队伍的针对口号也开始转向邓小平。
5月18日，赵紫阳、乔石及胡启立到医院探望绝食送院的学生。同日李鹏和学生领袖在人民大会堂中进行50分钟的对话。但双方都态度强硬，最后不欢而散。国家教育委员会发出通知，要求全国各地劝阻中小学生上街游行。
5月19日，由时任中共中央办公厅主任温家宝（后任国务院总理）陪同，赵紫阳于凌晨4时50分前往天安门广场对学生发表了谈话[65]：
“ 同学们，我们来得太晚了。对不起同学们了。不管你们说我们、批评我们，都是应该的。我这次来不是请你们原谅的。不是的，我想说的是，现在同学们身体已经非常虚弱，绝食已经到了第七天，不能再这样下去了。绝食时间长了，对身体会造成难以弥补的损害，这是有生命危险的。现在最重要的是，希望尽快结束这次绝食。我知道，你们绝食是希望党和政府对你们所提出的问题给以最满意的答复。我觉得，我们的对话渠道是畅通的，有些问题需要一个过程才能解决。比如你们提到的性质、责任问题，我觉得这些问题终究可以得到解决，终究可以取得一致的看法。但是，你们也应该知道，情况是很复杂的，需要有一个过程。你们不能在绝食已进入第七天的情况下，还坚持一定要得到满意答复才停止绝食。
你们还年轻，来日方长，你们应该健康地活着，看到我们中国实现四化的那一天。你们不像我们，我们已经老了，无所谓了。国家和你们的父母培养你们上大学不容易呀！现在十几、二十几岁，就这样把生命牺牲掉哇，同学们能不能稍微理智地想一想。现在的情况已经非常严重，你们都知道，党和国家非常着急，整个社会都忧心如焚。另外，北京是首都，各方面情况一天天严重，这种情况不能再继续下去了，同学们都是好意，为了我们国家好，但是这种情况发展下去，失去控制，会造成各方面的严重影响。
总之，我就是这么一个心意。如果你们停止绝食，政府不会因此把对话的门关起来，绝不会！你们所提的问题，我们可以继续讨论。慢是慢了一些，但一些问题的认识正在逐步接近。我今天主要是看望一下同学们，同时说一说我们的心情，希望同学们冷静地想一想这个问题。这件事情在不理智的情况下，是很难想清楚的。大家都这么一股劲，年轻人么，我们都是从年轻人过来的，我们也游过行，卧过轨，当时根本不想以后怎么样。最后，我再次恳请同学们冷静地想一想今后的事。有很多事情总是可以解决的。希望你们早些结束绝食，谢谢同学们。
”
说完赵紫阳向在广场的学生们鞠躬，学生们热烈鼓掌，一些学生哭了。赵紫阳讲话结束后，广场上的学生纷纷请赵紫阳签字。这是赵紫阳离开政坛前的最后一次向公众亮相。
[编辑] 软禁
天安门清场以后，1989年6月23日-6月24日中共十三届四中全会上，审议并通过了李鹏代表中央政治局提出的《关于赵紫阳同志在反党反社会主义的动乱中所犯错误的报告》，赵紫阳被撤销中共中央总书记、中央政治局常务委员、中央政治局委员、中央委员和中央军事委员会第一副主席等职务，仅保留中国共产党党籍；同年6月30日，七届全国人大常委会第八次会议决定撤销其中华人民共和国中央军委副主席职务。
针对李鹏的报告（四中全会最主要的议程是听取并审议通过李鹏代表中共中央政治局提出的《关于赵紫阳同志在反党反社会主义的动乱中所犯错误的报告》），赵紫阳做出了富有针对性的申辩。
显示▼隐藏▲中共十三届四中全会赵紫阳自辩摘要[66]
我仔细回想了自学潮和动乱发生以来这些日子我是怎样做的，哪些地方做得对，哪些地方做得不对或不妥。
一、胡耀邦同志的追悼会举行以前，常委内部没有什么分歧。
二、追悼会结束后，我提出三点意见：一．追悼活动已经结束，社会生活应纳入正常的轨道，对学生游行要坚决劝阻，让他们复课。二．对学生要采取疏导方针，应开展多层次、多渠道和各种形式的对话，互相沟通、增进理解。三．无论如何要避免流血事件，如果出现打、砸、抢、烧、冲行为要依法惩处。李鹏同志和常委其他同志也都同意。
三、四月一十四日到三十日晨我不在北京，对这一段具体情况不太清楚。
四、我在五月三日北京纪念“五四”大会上的讲话，事前经过了政治局、书记处同志的审核，送审时，不少同志提出了一些修改意见，根据这些一意见，我们对稿子做了多处改动。
我觉得，这次会提出了两个问题，一是必须坚持两手抓，不能忽视政治领域的工作；二是政治体制改革必须跟上，主要是社会主义的民主和法制建设必须跟上。……我主观上认为，这是真正为党和国家的前途着想。多年来，在经济改革上，我是积极的，大胆的，但在政治改革上，我一向持谨慎态度。我也曾自称是“经济上的改革者，政治上的保守者”；近年来，我的思想上有了变化，感到如不把政治改革摆到重要议事日程上，不仅经济改革中的难题很难解决，社会、政治各种矛盾也会日趋尖锐。我的这种想法，影响着我对一些具体问题的观察和处理。我觉得，在今天党的会议上，我应该讲明这些心里话，向同志们交心。很可能这种想法是错误的。希望同志们批评帮助！
五、我五月四日会见亚洲银行理事年会代表的讲话，本意是想促进学潮的平息，同时也想使外资增强对中国稳定的信心，讲话发表后，开始听到的是一些好的反映。我当时并没有意识到有什么问题。李鹏同志也对我说，话讲得很好，他在会见亚行年会代表时，也要呼应一下。这次讲话的调子比较温和。我的这次讲话，从当时各方面的反映看，效果还可以。后来同志们批评我的讲话未经常委讨论，这是事实。不过，中央各位领导同志接待外宾时的谈话（除正式会谈方案外），历来都不提交常委讨论，一般都是根据中央的方针自己去准备。
六、五月八日的常委会和五月十日的政治局会。四月二十七日的大游行后，学生们坚持要我们改变四月二十六日社论的定性。我非常为难。我当时的想法是，先绕过这个问题，在廉政和民主建设方面办几件好事，使群众看到我们正在做出努力，事态也许会逐步平息。……我的基本想法是，把廉政作为政治体制改革的一件大事来抓，把廉政同民主、法制、公开性、透明度、群众监督、群众与等密切结合起来。五月十三日上午，我和尚昆同志在小平同志处汇报时，向小平同志报告了这些想法，小平同志赞成，说，要抓住这个时机，把腐败问题好好解决一下，要增加透明度。
七、关于我同戈尔巴乔夫谈话的问题。十三大以后，我在接待国外党的主要领导人时，曾多次向他们通报，我党十三届一中全会有个决定，小平同志作为我党主要决策者的地位没有改变。我的目的是让世界上更明确知道小平同志在我们党内的地位不因退出常委而发生变化，在组织上是合法的。这次访朝，我也向金日成主席谈了这个问题。我跟戈讲这个问题实际上是惯例了。问题在于这次作了公开报导。……照理说，这些内容的话，是不会给人以一切事情都是邓小平决定的印象的。我实在没有想到，这样做，反而伤害了小平同志，我愿对此承担一切责任。
八、关于五月十六日夜间的常委会。我从朝鲜回来以后，听到各方面对四月二十六日社论的反映很大，已成为影响学生情绪的一个结子。当时我曾考虑，可否以适当的方式，解开这个结子，以缓解学生的情绪。……在五月十六日晚的常委会上我提了一下这件事，这是第一次在正式会议上提出。李鹏同志说，社论中所说的 “这是一场有计划的阴谋”、“是一次动乱”、“其实质是要从根本上否定中国共产党的领导、否定社会主义制度”、“这是摆在全党全国各族人民面前的一场严重的政治斗争”是小平同志的原话，不能动。我当时不同意这种说法。
九、五月十七日，在小平同志处召开的常委会上，李鹏、姚依林同志批评我，把学潮升级的责任全部归结到我五月四日在亚银年会上的讲话，其激烈的程度出乎我意料之外。这次常委会再次肯定四月二十六日社论的定性，并做出了调军队进京戒严的决策。我表示有决策比没有决策好，但我非常担心它将带来严重的后果。由我来组织执行这个决策，很难得力。我是在党的会议上坦率地讲出我所担心的。会后，我再三考虑，很害怕因为我的认识水平和思想状况而影响和耽误常委这一决策的坚决贯彻执行。我在情绪比较急躁和冲动的情况下便想提出辞职。尚昆同志知道后，立即劝我说，如我辞职，将在群众中起激化作用，并说常委内部还是能够继续共事的。我无论如何不能做使党为难的事。因此辞职信没有发出。但情况的发展仍使我忧心忡忡。五月十八日，我又给小平同志写信，要求他再次考虑我的意见，并打电话给尚昆同志，请他再向小平同志说一下。我觉得无论如何，在党内提出自己的不同看法是允许的。身为总书记有不同看法如果不提出，并不是一种负责任的态度。现在回想，辞职信虽然没有发出，但当产生这个念头，从全局来看，就是很不妥的。
十、关于五月十九日凌晨到天安门广场看望绝食的学生。原来在学生绝食二天后，我就准备去看他们。后来我又几次提出要去，但都因种种原因而未去成。五月十九日学生已绝食进入第七天，有死人的危险，已经到了紧急关头。尽管我当时身体已感不适，但我还是下了决心一定要去。因为学生已绝食七天，在那样的情况下，我去了以后，除了动之以情，劝说他们停止绝食外，还能说些什么呢。在我们看望之后，当天绝食学生的情绪已有缓和，并于当晚九时，宣布停止绝食。我不能说我的讲话在这方面起了很大作用，但起码是没有起反作用。
十一，关于我没有出席五月十九日晚召开大会的问题。我要说明，那天我是因为有病向常委请假的。乔石同志在会上也是这样宣布的。我请了三天病假，假满以后我就没有工作可做了，也不再让我参加任何会议。情况我也就不知道了。
从以上可以看出，我对处理学潮和动乱的问题当时总的想法就是要设法缓和与学生的对立，争取学生中的大多数，使学潮逐步平息下来。我十分担心在同多数人的矛盾尚未缓解的情况下采取强硬手段，特别是动用武力，将很难避免发生冲突和流血事件，那样就会使事态更加扩大，即使把学潮平息下去，将会留下很大的后遗症。最近小平同志发表了非常重要的讲话，使我受到了很大的教育。他说，这场风波的到来，是不以人的意志为转移的，是国际大气候和国内小气候影响的必然结果。还说，现在来比晚来好。如果从这样的高度来观察问题，我的原来的那些想法当然就成为多余的了。我当时确实没有认识到这样的高度和深度，我愿意结合学习小平同志的讲话进一步思考这个问题。
我对李鹏同志的报告中提出的撤销领导职务的建议没有意见，但对我提出的“支持动乱”和“分裂党”这两项指摘我有保留意见。对于如何处理学潮和动乱，我的确根据党章允许的范围在党的会议上提出过自己的不同意见。不管这些意见是否可行和有效，但都是关于如何平息动乱的意见。我从来没有提出过支持动乱的意见。再从实际情况来看，学潮和动乱的扩大，也不能说是我支持的。事实上从四月二十三日到月底这一段，学潮和动乱急剧扩大，而这段时间我并不在国内。李鹏同志的报告中，说我在亚行年会的讲话，使动乱升级，事实上在我讲话以后，各大学继续纷纷复课的情况，说明这种批评不符合事实。当时首都各报都有报导。这至少可以说明我那次讲话并没有引起学潮升级。五月十九日实行戒严以后，我就没有工作了，当然也再没有发表任何讲话。此后动乱的升级更没有理由说是我的原因，如果说我请病假没能参加五月十九日的会议，以后事态的发展也主要是由于我的原因引起的，这无论如何解释不通。
关于分裂党的问题。什么才是分裂党的行为？党的历史上是有案例的，《关于党内政治生活的若干准则》中也有规定。我们党从来没有把在党内的会议上提出不同意见，甚至表示保留意见就叫做分裂党的。领导人之间的公开讲话中侧重点有时有些不同，口径不那样一致，人们中间有这样那样的议论，这是不断出现过的事，不能因此就叫分裂党。而李鹏同志报告中指摘我在亚行讲话中没有提到四月二十六日社论，又指摘我在已经出现动乱的情况下讲话中却说了“中国不会出现大的动乱”，但是就在第二天，李鹏同志在亚行讲话中也没有提四月二十六日社论，而且说中国要努力“避免动乱”。我认为像这样一些不同场合不同时间出现的讲话侧重点的不同，甚至口径上不太一致，有些是不合适的甚至是错误的，但都不能上纲为“分裂党”，更不能因为我请病假不能出席五月十九日会议算作“分裂党”的行动。
既然党章规定党员有对自己的处理意见进行申辩的权利（党章第一章第四条中规定：“在党组织讨论决定对党员的党纪处分或做出鉴定时，本人有权参加和进行申辩……党的任何一级组织直至中央部无权剥夺党员的上述权利”），我今天就着重对这两个指责提出申辩，希望予以考虑。
赵紫阳一直是中国国内官方报道中忌讳的话题，网上的搜索引擎、社区、聊天软件亦以此为“禁忌词”处理；但赵近况始终是欧美等西方媒体关注的焦点。赵紫阳下台后一直被软禁在家[67]，赵住宅一直有人俯视在小巷墙上和门前的公安站岗。但在后期官方对其行动的管制明显放松，如偶尔打高尔夫球，甚至被允许在中国内陆省份旅行，但是被禁止进入容易被国际媒体曝光的沿海地区，至2003年停止打高球的习惯；每年6月总有国际媒体传出赵去世的消息，但最后皆证实误传，2005年1月6日的病发住院曾被香港《东方日报》以头版大篇幅误报为逝世消息。
1997年9月12日中共十五大前，应“天安门母亲”的请求[68]，赵紫阳发出“致十五大主席团并转交全体代表的一封信”[69]，敦促中共重新评价六四。然而此后，在10月13日致中共中央政治局七位常委的信中[70]，赵抱怨之后自己“就被禁止会客、外出，完全限制了我（赵）的自由，把我从半软禁升级为完全的软禁了”，并指控对其的软禁是“对社会主义法制的粗暴践踏”。
[编辑] 逝世
虽然官方指赵紫阳的离世很突然，但其实在2005年1月已多次传出赵病危甚至病故的消息，只是这些消息都被中国官方否认。1月17日新华社新闻稿称：“赵紫阳同志因长期患呼吸系统和心血管系统的多种疾病，多次住院治疗，近日病情恶化，经抢救无效，于1月17日在北京逝世，终年85岁。”赵紫阳女儿王雁南向驻北京传媒发短信称：赵紫阳在当天7时01分安详地离世；当时家人都在身旁，并为他祈祷；又形容其父终获自由。
赵紫阳儿女们的挽联为[71]：
能做你的儿女是我们毕生的荣耀[72]；
支持你的决定是我们不变的选择。
倡民主坚守良知儿女为你骄傲；
今西去终获自由风范永存人间。
[编辑] 官方反应
赵紫阳一名儿子还说，国家领导人来过医院致意，但当时不方便透露是谁。外电引述消息指出是国家副主席曾庆红，另《明报月刊》2005年2月号的《他尊严地走了——赵紫阳临终纪实》一文中透露，曾庆红于1月17日凌晨五时多曾来病房探望，同行还有中央组织部部长贺国强，而《明报月刊》2005年6月号专文亦透露田纪云在2004年间三度前来探望赵紫阳，最后的一次探望为1月5日晚上八时，并刊登探访时合照。
赵紫阳去世后其丧葬处理问题受到关注，因为这将直接反映了中国政府对赵紫阳的评价。中国外交部发言人表示将在与家属讨论后安排举行赵紫阳的遗体告别仪式，但就以已经改革领导人丧葬流程为由表示将不会举行官方正式的追悼会。
告别式于2005年1月29日上午9时（北京时间）在八宝山举行。中共中央政治局常委、全国政协主席贾庆林（在新华社新闻稿中没有职衔）参加追悼会，从而提高追悼会规格。赵遗体被中国共产党党旗覆盖。家属表示，赵紫阳的骨灰将置家中，而不会葬在八宝山公墓第一陈列室。新华社也为此发表一篇篇幅比去世消息略长的新闻，除提到贾庆林出席追悼会外，也证实曾庆红曾经在赵紫阳临终前看望过他。
同时，中国当局严格控制赵逝世产生的影响，限制消息的传播与讨论，打压民间的悼念活动。除新华社外没有任何其它的报道，有限的报纸媒进行转发，中央电视台在当日对赵的逝世新闻只字未提，只在出殡当日才作了简短的报道。另外，广东电视台的新闻报道中，则由主播口述消息，并指出“赵紫阳生前曾犯下重大错误”。[73][74][75]
[编辑] 民间反应
中国国内的部分民众对赵逝世表示沉痛，要求正面评价赵紫阳并自发进行悼念。在逝世当天网络上曾形成悼念赵的高峰，但高潮被当局成功限制，网络有关上赵紫阳的内容被严格监控，各大网站与论坛过滤删除任何相关消息，新浪网的新闻评论功能当天被取消，人民网强国论坛下午更是首次改为全审核状态，中国著名的搜索引擎百度更是一度屏蔽对关键字赵紫阳的搜索，不显示任何结果，但民间仍有不少人自发撰文进行怀念。官方的告别式并不公开给公众参与，但墓外聚集不少高举赵相片或挽联的悼念人士和上访民众。
一些六四事件的当事人也都对赵紫阳的去世表示哀悼：六四事件学生领袖之一王丹表示沉痛，并对赵紫阳去世前长达15年遭软禁表示同情。而吾尔开希在表示哀悼的同时也指出，虽然六四事件起始之时赵紫阳也是被攻击的目标，但在他出现在广场后就赢得尊重，虽然他并未能为六四事件做任何实质事情，历史该予他以正面评价。
据美国之音报道，赵紫阳逝世周年期间，北京公安开始“如常”监视并拘捕悼念紫阳逝世周年的家庭式活动人士，如李金平、胡佳、齐志勇等人；家属表示只在家中举行私人纪念活动，但“家门永远对公众开放”，将接待前来悼念的人士。[76]
值得注意的是，在赵紫阳逝世当天傍晚，位于广东省惠州市第九中学，校方在学校正门放置小型黑板，内容大致为引用新华社早前发布赵紫阳病逝的简短消息。在当天除了新华社的官方消息在网上有公开以外其他媒介几乎没有报道，以至于在中国几乎没有多少人得知此消息，主要原因是在中国民众获取消息主要来自于报纸和电视广播。而互联网对赵病逝消息的封锁与限制，广东省境内转播的香港电视有关赵紫阳的新闻被过滤，在这种情况下，能大胆公开，有人认为这是赵紫阳曾在当时的惠阳地区工作时有所贡献的一种表示。发布赵病逝消息的黑板在第二天清晨已被撤掉。
[编辑] 香港
2005年1月18日上午11时，以南方民主同盟主席龙纬汶为首的100人，首先于中联办门口路祭赵紫阳。下午1时，香港市民支援爱国民主运动联合会近50人亦到达中联办。
同日，香港立法会议员梁国雄提议在立法会为赵紫阳默哀，但被主席范徐丽泰以“立法会历年来只曾为港督尤德及中共元老邓小平的去世默哀”的理由而否决。她指赵紫阳“并非对香港有重大贡献的政治家”，“不能与邓公相提并论”，拒绝梁的申请。翌日立法会开会时，由香港职工会联盟的李卓人提出“全体议员为赵紫阳先生默哀1分钟”，24名泛民主派议员不理会前日裁决，站立默哀1分钟。范指李行为不检点宣布暂停会议。另一方面，民主建港联盟 、自由党 、泛联盟和非民主派的独立议员共27名集体杯葛会议，结果立法会首次因有议员集体“蓄意缺席”而“流会”。其后记者会中，自由党的田北俊和民建联的曾钰成皆否认杯葛是政治考虑或与“默哀”有关，而是因为有议员连番违反议事规则及主席裁决，令今届立法会会议经常中断。民主派则指坚持默哀乃“良心呼唤”，并愿为良心和行为负责。
1月21日下午，南方民主同盟在尖沙咀码头，邀请市民签署悼念册。同晚，香港支联会举办在中国国土上唯一的一场合法民间追悼会。主办方称有一万五千人参加，而香港警方称有一万人参加。明报报道参加者坐满三个维多利亚公园硬地足球场。
[编辑] 西方报道
当天及次日的BBC及CNN等西方主要媒体均以大量篇幅报道“伊拉克战争后的首次民主选举”，而对赵紫阳逝世的消息则仅一笔带过。
[编辑] 中共前任高层推动平反
包括前全国人民代表大会常务委员会委员长万里，和前国务院副总理田纪云在内的20多位中共中央政治局退休委员及常委在2005年联合要求中共中央为赵紫阳恢复名誉，并对赵紫阳及其对中国作出的重大历史贡献公开缅怀和纪念。中国政府同意举行仪式进行纪念，但规模远远不能满足党内外民众的诉求。
[编辑] 家庭成员
赵紫阳的夫人为梁伯琪，目前年高多病；在很长时间住院之后，于2005秋天回到家里休养。家人亦不敢告诉她赵紫阳的死讯。赵与梁诞下五名子女：
1. 长子赵大军
2. 次子赵二军
3. 三子赵三军（早夭）
4. 四子赵四军 妻：任克英
5. 女儿赵亮，后为免自己的姓氏引起的各种问题，改名王雁南。
6. 幼子赵五军
[编辑] 对赵紫阳的评价
[编辑] 中华人民共和国政府评价
新华社在2005年1月29日发表关于赵紫阳遗体火化的消息时，评价说：“在革命战争年代和社会主义建设时期，赵紫阳同志在地方先后担任过中共县委、地委、省委主要领导职务；在改革开放前期，赵紫阳同志先后担任过中央和国家重要领导职务，为党和人民的事业作出过有益的贡献。在1989年春夏之交的政治风波中赵紫阳同志犯了严重错误。”
[编辑] 其他国家或组织的评价
美国白宫发言人麦克莱伦赞扬赵紫阳在困难时期捍卫个人信念，作出牺牲，具道德勇气。麦克莱伦又形容赵紫阳协助中国经济转型，并经由贸易及投资，加强中美两国人民的联系。美国国务院发言人包润石则说，人们记得在1989年六四天安门事件中，赵紫阳直接走到群众前，聆听他们的意见，并与他们讨论民众对民主、自由的渴求。
2002年美国《时代》周刊推选赵紫阳为“亚洲英雄”人物。
[编辑] 回忆录
2009年5月13日，赵紫阳的回忆录英文版“Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang”(ISBN 978-1-4391-4938-6)（字面翻译是“国家的囚犯：赵紫阳总理的秘密日记”）出版。其内容由他在软禁期间偷偷送出的一系列录音带上的口述内容整理而成。其中文版《改革历程》(ISBN 978-988-172-027-6) 于2009年5月29日于香港出版，首版一万四千本上市后随即一扫而空，需加印第二版[77]。台湾版《国家的囚徒： 赵紫阳的秘密录音》。
Zhao Ziyang (17 October 1919 – 17 January 2005) was a high-ranking politician in the People's Republic of China (PRC). He was Premier of the People's Republic of China from 1980 to 1987, and General Secretary of the Communist Party of China from 1987 to 1989.
As a senior government official, Zhao was critical of Maoist policies and instrumental in implementing free-market reforms, first in Sichuan, subsequently nationwide. He emerged on the national scene due to support from Deng Xiaoping after the Cultural Revolution. He also sought measures to streamline the bureaucracy and fight corruption, which was severely affecting the Party's legitimacy in the 1980s. Zhao Ziyang was also an advocate of the privatization state-owned enterprises, the separation of the Party and the state, and general market economic reforms. Many of these views were shared by then-General Secretary Hu Yaobang.[2]
His economic reform policies and open sympathies to student demonstrators during the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 placed him increasingly at odds with conservatives within the party leadership, namely Premier Li Peng, and also began to lose favour with paramount leader Deng Xiaoping. In the aftermath of the events, Zhao was purged politically and effectively placed under house arrest for the next 15 years. His name has been a taboo subject within China since 1989. He died in Beijing in 2005, without the funeral rites generally accorded to a senior Chinese official due to his political fallout.
Rise to power
Zhao was born Zhao Xiuye (赵修业), but changed his given name to Ziyang while attending middle school. The son of a wealthy landlord in Hua County (Chinese simplified: 滑县[3]), Henan province, he joined the Communist Youth League in 1932 and worked underground as a Communist Party official during the Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and subsequent Chinese Civil War. His father was killed by party officials in the late 1940s. He rose to prominence in the party in Guangdong from 1951 and introduced numerous successful agricultural reforms. In 1962, Zhao began to disband the commune system in order to return private land to peasants while assigning production contracts to individual households. He also directed a harsh purge of cadres accused of corruption or having ties to the Kuomintang. By 1965 Zhao was the Party secretary of Guangdong province, despite not being a member of the Communist Party Central Committee.
As a supporter of the reforms of Liu Shaoqi, he was dismissed as Guangdong party leader in 1967 during the Cultural Revolution, paraded through Guangzhou in a dunce cap and denounced as "a stinking remnant of the landlord class". He spent four years in forced labor at a factory. In 1972, Zhao was rehabilitated by then-Premier Zhou Enlai, appointed to the Central Committee. Zhao was appointed Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region Revolutionary Committee secretary and Vice Chairman in March 1972. He was elevated to the 10th Central Committee in August 1973 and returned to Guangdong as 1st CCP Secretary and Revolutionary Committee Chair in April 1974. He became Political Commissar of the Chengdu Military Region in December 1975. [4]
In Sichuan, as first party secretary in 1975, effectively the province's highest-ranking official. Sichuan had been economically devastated by the Great Leap Forward and the subsequent Cultural Revolution. Zhao introduced radical and successful Market-oriented rural reforms, which led to an increase in industrial production by 81% and agricultural output by 25% within three years.[citation needed] Paramount leader Deng Xiaoping saw the "Sichuan Experience" as the model for Chinese economic reform and had Zhao inducted into the Politburo as an alternate member in 1977 and as a full member in 1979. He joined the Politburo Standing Committee, China's highest ruling organ, in 1982.
[edit] Assassination attempts
Since Sichuan province was a strong base of Maoist radicalism during the Cultural Revolution, the ardent followers of the Gang of Four vehemently opposed Zhao's reforms. However, Zhao's policy had huge popular support and the supporters of the Gang of Four turned to assassination after all other supposedly legal means failed. Over the years in Sichuan during the Cultural Revolution, there were no fewer than half a dozen attempts on Zhao's life, and the most serious one happened when Zhao's jeep was ambushed in a valley during one of his trips, where he narrowly escaped death, but in an attempt to save Zhao's life, his driver/secretary was crushed and buried by an artificially induced landslide. Although attempts on Zhao's life only resulted in this one death, the last culprits were not caught until 1983, well after the end of the Cultural Revolution.
[edit] Reformist leader
After six months as vice-premier, Zhao was appointed premier in 1980 to replace Hua Guofeng, Mao's designated successor, who was being pushed out of power by Deng Xiaoping. He developed "preliminary stage theory", a course for transforming the socialist system that set the stage for much of the later Chinese economic reform. As premier, he implemented many of the policies that were successful in Sichuan, including giving limited self-management to industrial enterprises and increased control over production to peasants. Zhao sought to develop coastal provinces with special economic zones that could lure foreign investment and create export hubs. This led to rapid increases in both agricultural and light-industrial production throughout the 1980s, but his economic reforms were criticized for causing inflation. Zhao also persisted in advocating an open foreign policy, fostering good relations with western nations that could aid China's economic development.
Zhao was a solid believer in the party, but he defined socialism much differently than party conservatives. Zhao called political reform "the biggest test facing socialism." He believed economic progress was inextricably linked to democratization. As early as 1986, Zhao became the first high-ranking Chinese leader to call for change, by offering a choice of election candidates from the village level all the way up to membership in the Central Committee.
In the 1980s, Zhao was branded by many as a revisionist of Marxism. He advocated government transparency and a national dialogue that included ordinary citizens in the policymaking process, which made him popular with the masses. In Sichuan, where Zhao implemented economic restructuring in the 1970s, there was a saying: "要吃粮，找紫阳 (yao chi liang, zhao Ziyang)." The wordplay on his name, loosely translated, means "if you want to feed yourself, follow Ziyang."
In January 1987, Deng forced reformist leader Hu Yaobang to resign for being too lenient to student protestors; Zhao replaced him as CPC General Secretary, whose vacated premiership was in turn filled by Li Peng. This put Zhao in the position to succeed Deng as paramount leader. While General Secretary Zhao favored loosening government controls over industry and creating free-enterprise zones in the coastal regions, Premier Li favored a cautious approach that relied more on central planning and guidance.
In the 1987 Communist Party Congress Zhao declared that China was in "a primary stage of socialism" that could last 100 years. Under this premise, China needed to experiment with a variety of economic systems to stimulate production. Zhao proposed to separate the roles of the party and state, a proposal that has since become taboo. According to western observers, the two years Zhao served as General Secretary were the most open in modern Chinese history—many limitations on freedom of speech and freedom of press were relaxed, allowing intellectuals to freely propose improvements for the country.
Equally important, in the economic arena, Zhao was one of the first leaders to advocate the reduction of state control in enterprises by increasing private ownership via stock. Although the idea also became taboo during Zhao's era, it started to be implemented in the 1990s.
Zhao's proposal in May 1988 to accelerate price reform led to widespread popular complaints about rampant inflation and gave opponents of rapid reform the opening to call for greater centralization of economic controls and stricter prohibitions against Western influence. This precipitated a political debate, which grew more heated through the winter of 1988 to 1989.
The second half of 1988 saw the increasing deterioration of Zhao's political environment. In fact, Zhao found himself in multi-front turf battles with the party elders, who grew increasingly dissatisfied with Zhao's hands-off approach to ideological matters, as well as the conservative faction in the politburo led by Li Peng and Yao Yilin, who were constantly at odds with him in economic and fiscal policy making. In the mean time, Zhao was under growing pressure to combat the runaway corruption by the rank-and-file officials and their family members. As the year of 1989 kicked off, it was evident that Zhao was faced with an increasingly difficult uphill battle, to some extent he was fighting for his own political survival. If he was unable to turn things around rapidly, a showdown with the party conservatives would be all but inevitable. As it happened, the student protests triggered by the sudden death of former CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang, widely seen as a reform-minded leader, provided Zhao with a golden opportunity to regain political upperhand and to advance his reform agenda.
[edit] Political aftermath of Tiananmen
Zhao Ziyang (accompanied by then-Director of the Central Party Office Wen Jiabao) addressed the student protestors at Tiananmen on 19 May 1989. He apologized to the students, saying "Students, we came too late. We are sorry."
The death of Hu Yaobang on 15 April 1989, coupled with a growing sense of outrage caused by high inflation, provided the backdrop for the large-scale protest of 1989 by students, intellectuals, and other parts of a disaffected urban population. Student demonstrators, taking advantage of the loosening political atmosphere, reacted to a variety of causes of discontent, which they attributed to the slow pace of reform. Ironically, some of the original invective was also directed against Zhao. The party hardliners increasingly came to the opposite conclusion, regretting an excessively rapid pace of change for causing the mood of confusion and frustration rife among college students. The protesters called for an end to official corruption and for defense of freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution of the People's Republic of China. Protests also spread through many other cities, including Shanghai and Guangzhou.
The tragic events of the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 sealed Zhao's fate and rendered impossible any further democratic movement. While he was paying an official visit to Pyongyang, the party hard-liners exploited the opportunity to declare the ongoing protests "counter-revolutionary." Upon returning from Pyongyang, Zhao made several attempts to steer the course toward what he called "a track based upon democracy and the rule of law". He opened up channels for direct dialogues between students and the government at multiple levels. He also ordered the news media to cover the student demonstrations with unprecedented openness. A number of legislative initiatives aimed at the reform of press, news media and education were also under way. However, Zhao's initiatives, along with his conciliatory attitude toward the students, were seen by the elders and other party hard-liners as hastened steps toward breaking free the party control. The evening of 16 May marked the point of no return of Zhao's political career. At the onset of his meeting with the visiting Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, Zhao made a stunning announcement declaring that Deng Xiaoping, though officially no longer a member of the party central committee, was still having final say in major decision-making. Zhao's move was viewed as an unmistakable sign of parting company with the aging paramount leader, his long-time political patron and mentor. The leadership would not purge Zhao while Gorbachev was still in Beijing. But on the night of 18 May, just after the Soviet leader left, Zhao was summoned to Deng's residence and a hastily called Politburo Standing Committee was called to endorse martial law with Zhao casting the lone dissenting vote.
Shortly before 5 A.M. on the morning of 19 May, Zhao appeared in Tiananmen Square and wandered among the crowd of protesters. Using a bullhorn, he delivered a now-famous speech to the students gathered at the square. It was first broadcast through China Central Television nationwide.
“ Students, we came too late. We are sorry. You talk about us, criticize us, it is all necessary. The reason that I came here is not to ask you to forgive us. All I want to say is that students are getting very weak, it is the 7th day since you went on hunger strike, you can't continue like this. As the time goes on, it will damage your body in an irreparable way, it could be very dangerous to your life. Now the most important thing is to end this strike. I know, your hunger strike is to hope that the Party and the government will give you a satisfying answer. I feel that our communication is open. Some of the problem can only be solved by certain procedures. For example, you have mentioned about the nature of the incident, the question of responsibility, I feel that those problems can be resolved eventually, we can reach a mutual agreement in the end. However, you should also know that the situation is very complicated, it is going to be a long process. You can't continue the hunger strike for the 7th day, and still insist for a satisfying answer before ending the hunger strike.
You are still young, there are still many days yet to come, you must live healthy, and see the day when China accomplishes the four modernizations. You are not like us, we are already old, it doesn't matter to us any more. It is not easy that this nation and your parents support you to study in colleges. Now you are all about early 20's, and want to sacrifice lives so easily, students, can't you think logically? Now the situation is very serious, you all know, the Party and the nation is very antsy, the whole society is very worried. Besides, Beijing is the capital, the situation is getting worse and worse from everywhere, this can not be continued. Students all have good will, and are for the good of our nation, but if this situation continues, loses control, it will cause serious consequences at many places.
In conclusion, I have only one wish. If you stop hunger strike, the government won't close the door for dialogue, never! The questions that you have raised, we can continue to discuss. Although it is a little slow, but we are reaching some agreement on some problems. Today I just want to see the students, and express our feelings. Hopefully students will think about this question calmly. This thing can not be sorted out clearly under illogical situations. You all have that strength, you are young after all. We were also young before, we protested, lied our bodies on the rail tracks, we never thought about what will happen in the future at that time. Finally, I beg the students once again, think about the future calmly. There are many things that can be solved. I hope that you will all end the hunger strike soon, thank you.[5]
”
" 我們已經老了，無所謂了。" - "We are already old, it doesn't matter to us any more." became a famous quote after that. That was his last public appearance.
[edit] House arrest until death
The protesters did not disperse. A day after Zhao's 19 May visit to Tiananmen Square, Premier Li Peng publicly declared martial law. In the power struggle that ensued, Zhao was stripped of all his positions. What motivated Zhao remains, even today, a topic of debate by many. Some say he went into the square hoping a conciliatory gesture would gain him leverage against hard-liners like Premier Li Peng. Others believe he supported the protesters and did not want to see them hurt when the military was called in. After the incident, Zhao was placed under house arrest and replaced as General Secretary by Jiang Zemin, who had suppressed similar protests in Shanghai without any bloodshed.
Zhao remained under tight supervision and was allowed to leave his courtyard compound or receive visitors only with permission from the highest echelons of the party. There were occasional reports of him attending the funeral of a dead comrade, visiting other parts of China or playing golf at Beijing courses, but the government rather successfully kept him hidden from news reports and history books. Over that period, only a few snapshots of a gray-haired Zhao leaked out to the media. On at least two occasions Zhao wrote letters, addressed to the Chinese government, in which he put forward the case for a reassessment of the Tiananmen Massacre. One of those letters appeared on the eve of the Communist Party's 15th National Congress. The other came during a 1998 visit to China by U.S. President Bill Clinton. Neither was ever published in mainland China.
[edit] Death and muted response
In February 2004, Zhao had a pneumonia attack that led to a pulmonary failure and was hospitalized for three weeks. Zhao was hospitalized again with pneumonia on 5 December 2004. Reports of his death were officially denied in early January 2005. Later, on 15 January, he was reported to be in a coma after multiple strokes. According to Xinhua, Vice President Zeng Qinghong represented the party's central leadership to visit Zhao at the hospital [6]. Zhao died on 17 January in a Beijing hospital at 07:01 at the age of 85. He is survived by his second wife, Liang Boqi, and five children (a daughter and four sons).
The government's response to Zhao's death was notably muted, probably out of fear that mass mourning would spark national protests as had occurred after the deaths of Zhou Enlai and Hu Yaobang. The official government Xinhua News Agency reported "Zhao Ziyang died at 85" in the English version,[7] while the Chinese title was "Comrade Zhao Ziyang died." It made no note of his official titles or legacy as a leader. This is considered unusual, because people who have lower ranks than he usually received such mention as great revolutionist, loved by the people, etc.[citation needed] Zhao's death was not mentioned on state-run television and radio programs. All Chinese newspapers carried the exact same 59-word obituary on the day following his death, leaving the main means of mass dissemination through the Internet.[8] Internet forums, such as the Strong Nation Forum and the SINA.com Forum were flooded with messages expressing condolences for Zhao, but these messages were promptly deleted by moderators, leading to more postings attacking the moderators for deleting the postings.
In Hong Kong, 10,000–15,000 people attended the candlelight vigil in remembrance of Zhao. Mainlanders such as Chen Juoyi said that it was illegal for Hong Kong legislators to join any farewell ceremony, stating "...under the 'one country, two systems' a Hong Kong legislator cannot care anything about mainland China." The statement caused a political storm in Hong Kong that continued for three days after his speech. Szeto Wah, the chairman of The Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China, said that it was not right for the Communists to suppress the memorial ceremony. The twenty-four pan-democrat legislators went against the chairperson of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, who insisted that security be tightened at Tiananmen Square and at Zhao's house, and that the authorities try to prevent any public displays of grief. Similar memorials were held around the world, notably in New York City and Washington, DC where American government officials and exiled political dissidents attended.
Zhao's positions would have normally entitled him to a state funeral, but the PRC government stated that the funerary arrangements for past leaders had been streamlined and state funerals were no longer held. Skeptics have questioned whether future funerals of Chinese ex-leaders will be as muted as Zhao's.
On 29 January 2005 the government held a funeral ceremony for him at the Babaoshan Revolutionary Cemetery, a place reserved for revolutionary heroes and high government officials, that was attended by some 2,000 mourners, who were pre-approved to attend. Several dissidents, including Zhao's secretary Bao Tong and Tiananmen Mothers leader Ding Zilin, were kept under house arrest and therefore could not attend. Xinhua reported that the most senior official to attend the funeral was Jia Qinglin, fourth in the party hierarchy, and other officials who attended included He Guoqiang, Wang Gang and Hua Jianmin [6]. Mourners were forbidden to bring flowers or to inscribe their own messages on the government-issued flowers. There was no eulogy at the ceremony because the government and Zhao's family could not agree on its content: while the government wanted to say he made mistakes, his family refused to accept he did anything wrong. On the day of his funeral, state television mentioned Zhao's death for the first time. Xinhua issued a short article on the funerary arrangements, acknowledging Zhao's "contributions to the party and to the people", but said he made "serious mistakes" during the 1989 "political disturbance" [6]. According to Du Daozheng, writing in the foreword to the Chinese edition of Zhao's memoirs, the use of the term "serious mistakes" instead of the former verdict of "supporting turmoil and splitting the party" represented a backing down by the party. After the ceremony, Zhao was cremated. His ashes were taken to his Beijing home as the government denied him a place at Babaoshan.
[edit] Push for rehabilitation
In 2005, former NPC Chairman Wan Li joined more than 20 retired Politburo members, including Tian Jiyun, former Vice Premier, in asking the Central Government to rehabilitate Zhao’s name and hold memorial services for him for his many important contributions to China. The Chinese government agreed to hold a ceremony to honor the late Communist Party chief Zhao Ziyang, but the response fell far short of satisfying the requests from both inside and outside the CPC.
[edit] Memoirs
On 14 May 2009, Zhao's secret memoirs were released to the public. The book, entitled Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang, is thought to be from a series of secret recordings taken while Zhao was under house arrest.[9] The 306-page book was crafted over four years from tapes recorded in secret by Zhao, who lived under tightly monitored house arrest for 15 years before dying in 2005 . In the last chapter, Zhao praises the western system of parliamentary democracy and says it is the only way China can solve its problems of corruption and a growing gap between the rich and poor.[10][11]
As of 2009 his memoir was being sold (in both Chinese and English) in Hong Kong but not in mainland China, though a Microsoft Word file containing the memoir's entire Chinese-language text became available on the Internet and was illegally downloaded widely throughout mainland China.
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